Tuesday 18 February 2014

Transforming societies in Myanmar: The Dynamics of Conflict and Cooperation














All armed groups would do well to take note that provisioning their troops with local supplies invariably incites the people against them, as evidenced by the end result of Napoleon's strategy of living off the land during the early 19th century Peninsular War that led to his down fall.

A Federal Army?
In the face of all these complexities, transitioning the present Tatmadaw into a more inclusive federal army, as envisioned by 17 ethnic resistance organizations, presents itself as an attractive, viable alternative.


Interestingly, over the last 20 years, scarcity of aid in our country had actually created more room for local agencies to determine eventual programming. Had we been flooded with aid after the 1990 elections, local NGOs like Metta, Myanmar Egress, Paung Ku, Ecodev, Shalom, etc., would not have had the chance to grow and flourish as they have done. It is ironic that now that the country has become more open, more challenges are being faced to strengthen civil society.
•    A local group of women, self-funded and working as a small group with no staff, launched the Whistle for Help campaign to help young women who faced sexual harassment daily as they bus to school and work. In about a month, the women gathered over 300 volunteers, distributing over 30,000 whistles and information sheets. This campaign was the first led by women for their own benefit in the country's history, without outside determination of need, funding, or the banner of "women's empowerment".
•    In the wake of clashes between Burmese government forces and the Kachin Independence Army around Mansi Township in November 2013, up to 3,000 Kachin villagers were forced to flee their homes, trekking through the jungles for days. It was only through the efforts of local NGOs that they were brought to safety.
This incident clearly shows that local NGOs are in a better position to operate more efficiently in assisting the IDPs. They are the lead agencies and have the local context. They are the ones who are able to reach the IDPs in conflict zones, even in the most difficult of times. Because of their efforts, no Kachin IDP has died of hunger. They are, however, very much in need of funding.
 
Internally Displaced People (IDP)
There are currently 500,000 IDPs nationwide, with half of them in Kachin and Rakhine, living in appalling conditions and in need of urgent humanitarian help in spite of the basic help, which local NGOs – above all in Kachin – can and do supply. In addition to providing for the basic needs of these innocent civilians caught up in the crossfire of conflicts, we need to explore existing and potential solutions to ensure their protection and rights.

The Census Process
Almost all non-Bamar ethnic nationals have expressed their concerns about the population census process assisted by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). They have expressed doubts about the validity of the government's official tally of 135 recognized ethnic groups. The census procedure is seen as alienating and breaking up ethnic national identity, and objections have been made to the highest levels of authority.


A centrally controlled process without the full participation of, and dialogue with all stakeholders, should be avoided at all cost, especially in a country ridden with complexities such as ours.
 
Conclusion
To sum up, the hard work begins:  constitutional reform, legal reform, investment reform, redefining the role of the military, tackling systemic corruption, achieving sustainable economic development, restoring rights to public education and health care, preventing human rights and environmental abuses – all of which will take many years. Needless to say, an enabling environment in which civil society can thrive is crucial.


http://www.information.myanmaronlinecentre.com/transforming-societies-in-myanmar-the-dynamics-of-conflict-and-cooperation/

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